The fall of Ernesto Araújo is the biggest blow to Bolsonarism since Abraham Weintraub resigned from the education ministry last year.
More than that, it shows a government dumped with political conditions outside the hands of the center, metaphorically breathing through devices in the country where they are lacking in real life for Covid-19 patients.
The choice of the replacement will measure Jair Bolsonaro’s commitment to the project to save his government from the acute entropy in which he finds himself. After all, the Itamaraty under the president has become the greatest temple of Bolonarianism.
Thus, during the weekend, the name of another Bolonarist, the American ambassador Nestor Forster, became dehydrated in favor of more appetizing names for the center which walled up Bolsonaro.
Foreign policy, historically the occupation of professionals due to lack of interest from politicians, has taken on a trench air during the years of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT, 2003-10) in power.
The administration of Celso Amorim, a graduate of the famous group of “beards” formed in the years of the Third World rhetoric of General Ernesto Geisel (1974-79), made headlines.
The proactivity had an ideological bias: such a South-South policy which rightly saw China as the future of Brazilian foreign trade and wrongly turned its back on the United States and Europe.
Nine was the Chancellor who called his boss “our guide” and the constant adulation of dictatorships, as long as they were or appeared to be anti-American.
During these years there was the persecution of diplomats identified with the administration Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB, 1995-2002), who won positions in remote and unimportant places. Exactly what happened under Bolsonaro with the accused of petism.
In the governments of Dilma Rousseff (PT, 2011-16) and Michel Temer (MDB, 2016-18), there was a more professional reorientation of the portfolio, duly ignored by the Bolsonarist ascendants who would storm it.
In the president’s mind, the 2018 Chancellery was a den of hardened Communists. “We will liberate Brazil and Itamaraty from international relations with an ideological bias to which they have been subjected in recent years,” he said in his second victory day speech in October of the same year.
By choosing an obscure diplomat to head the portfolio, Bolsonaro made sure he was a conduit for the so-called ideological wing of his government.
Presidential son Eduardo, an MP who headed the House’s External Relations Committee, and palace adviser Filipe Martins, known for the recent episode in the Senate, had as much or more power than the chancellor himself.
Everyone shares the ideas of US-based writer Olavo de Carvalho. Olavism survived the fall of its founder, broken with Bolsonaro: Ernesto passed the pandemic by saying that Sars-CoV-2 was a “communavirus” in the service of a globalist conspiracy to impose a socialist agenda on the world.
The march of the Olavists was announced triumphant, but the first signs led to questions about the health of the group, as in the inaugural speech of Ernesto, who even had an Ave Maria in Tupi.
Reality intervened.
The automatic alignment with Donald Trump did not return to policies favorable to Brazil, the military intervened when they carried out the plot of a war with Venezuela passed by Washington’s proxy in Brasilia and Bogota, he did not There is no embassy in Jerusalem and the agribusiness sizzled whenever Chinese cinnamon was struck.
Because the damage was not just a picture, although Ernesto said he was proud to see Brazil as a global outcast.
The group sought to harass China whenever it could, as in the notorious altercations between Eduardo and the country’s ambassador to Brazil, angered the aforementioned agribusiness staff and only stopped when ‘It became evident that without Beijing we wouldn’t even have vaccine supplies.
The worsening pandemic has thrown the Bolsonaro government on the ropes, with the centão billing its alliance bill even with a somewhat bogus threat of impeachment. Health Minister Eduardo Pazuello was the first to have his head delivered, albeit unintentionally, by the president.
Ernesto’s head, grilled in one of the toughest investigations a minister has been subjected to in congressional history last Wednesday (24), was then highlighted. The blockage took place on a voluntary basis, when the Chancellor decided to imply that the Senate is in the pockets of the Chinese on the issue of 5G.
With its delivery, the target of the consortium led by Arthur Lira (PP-AL) and Rodrigo Pacheco (DEM-MG) will be Ricardo Salles. Ahead of the environment, he is a light olavista, so to speak, without the stridence and the presumption of mastering a theoretical framework of his ramblings like Ernesto.
But, like Ernesto, his ideas in the management of environmental space are also universally condemned as detrimental to the interests of the country – even if manipulations coexist here, as in the always acid criticisms of French protectionists.
Like his former colleague, Salles is very close to Bolsonaro and distant from the government soldiers, MP Hamilton Mourão at the head. However, with the help of those who can be settled in Brasilia, no one can claim to be exempt from the guillotine.
But Ernesto’s head is symbolically larger, as he embodies the Bolonarian faith like few others. He struggled, flattering the president and his entourage to the climax of the scene in which he shouted “Myth!” while the chef suggested to reporters unorthodox uses of condensed milk cans.
There has never been a chancellor like Ernesto Araújo. Subverting the Book of Revelations so much to the taste of the president now on the Plateau, the ex-minister was not lukewarm, but ended up vomiting through the chef’s mouth all the same.