AMLO and its fourth transformation – 05/28/2021 – Latinoamérica21

Almost three years after the triumph of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) and the emergence of the National Regeneration Movement (Morena), the upcoming June 6 elections are seen as a catalyst for the electoral hegemony of this political organization and , with it, continuity. of the so-called fourth transformation of Mexican politics.

A transformation claimed by the party now in power and which, more than a government program, has served as a campaign slogan since coming to power.

The fourth transformation, known as “4T”, was the strongest argument for political change in the country and the slogan, applauded by the ruling party and the president.

The central axis on which the 4Q revolves alludes to a moment of change in the political system which, according to its creators, has three historical moments: independence, reform and revolution.

The essence of the Fourth Transformation, according to its supporters, is usually defined by a change of political regime.

On the one hand, it is associated with the change in economic policy that puts an end to the neoliberal paradigm of previous governments.

A second element is constituted by social policies, seeking greater coverage of the population with fewer resources.

A third element is the end of corruption as a system anchored in the state structure and, finally, republican austerity.

The 4Q as an electoral argument is extremely profitable. Despite this, it seems only their managers are talking about it.

Continued criticism of government performance, centralization and personalization of policies, administrative inexperience, flawed decisions in public policies, shrinking budgets of state institutions and the continued attack on organizations, media and journalists who oppose the 4T position themselves as weapons wielded by the opposition against a political force legitimized by the ballot box.

The fatigue of the citizens of a frayed political system which for decades failed to respond to their demands is today which controls a sufficient majority in Congress to change the Constitution. A situation for which the political system was not prepared due to the hegemony prior to the democratic transition.

To understand this, it must be emphasized that the transition to democracy and political alternation at the beginning of this century manifested the new dynamic of the political system, with a government without a legislative majority, which favored the inevitable construction of agreements (formal and informal) between the different political forces of the country.

With this as the structure of this new political system, the actors forgot a central element of democracy: the possible arrival of a new hegemonic party, outside the traditional political forces.

After the transition, both the governments of the National Action Party (PAN, 2000-2012) and the returning government of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI, 2012-2018) showed the visible inability of these parties to create majorities that would allow them to control much of Congress and the Executive.

With Morena coming to power in the 2018 elections, the political system and its nascent democracy realized that majorities could be achieved.

Regardless of the effects of the electoral system on the formation of political power in Mexico, Morena succeeded in controlling both branches of government legitimately and according to democratic standards that had persisted since 1994.

The above is reinforced by the mastery of the state of mind of society which, just over a year after the start of the pandemic, shows broad support for the administration of AMLO.

Presidential approval is over 60%, making him one of the most successful presidents in the country’s democratic history and comparatively above the international average.

The relevance of these approval levels should be emphasized in the context of the health crisis, in which so far more than two million people have been officially infected and just over 220,000 deaths have been recorded.

As for the democratic perception, half of the citizens are satisfied. But around 80% have little or no confidence in political parties.

In the country, according to the respondents, the exercise of the freedom of worship is more frequent (89%) than the freedom of expression (66%), and six in ten Mexicans believe that the laws are little or not respected.

With an economy contracted due to the pandemic and government decisions, the executive’s strategic programs are advancing, as is the immunization program, which has so far reached just over 15 million doses applied.

The next legislative elections could mean the continuation of the project which constitutes the government coalition. This consolidates the foundations, according to its protagonists, of the fourth transformation.

The opposition resists the idea of ​​a hegemonic party similar to the 20th century PRI, while Morena tries to control not only the Executive and the Legislature but also to consolidate in the sub-state and municipal arenas.

This is no small feat in a scenario of polarization and inability to find points of agreement on the political future of the country.

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